(1972) Counterrevolution and Revolt, Boston: Beacon. (1969) An Essay on Liberation, Boston: Beacon. (1964) One-Dimensional Man, Boston: Beacon. “Conjectures on the Beginning of Human History,” 221-234. “On the Common Saying: ‘This may be true in Theory, but it does not apply in Practice’,” 61-92. “Idea for a Universal History with a Cosmopolitan Purpose,” 41-53. Hans Reiss, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. (May/June 2012) “The New Communism: Resurrecting the Utopian Delusion,” World Affairs, 175(1), 62-70.
O’Connell, et al., 188-243, New York: Continuum. (2002) “Traditional and Critical Theory,” in: Critical Theory: Selected Essays, trans. (December 2003) “Herbert Marcuse und die Frankfurter Schule,” Leviathan, 31(4), 496-504. (Winter 2013) “To Begin at the Beginning Again: Žižek in Yugoslavia,” Slavic Review, 72(4), 708-727. (March 5, 2015) “Concrete Philosophy: The Problem of Judgment in the Early Work of Herbert Marcuse,” Philosophy and Social Criticism, doi: 10.1177/0191453715574735.ĭean, J. (June 2003) “Contradiction, Utopia, and Public Administration,” Administrative Theory and Practice, 25(2), 243-260.ĭabrowski, T.C. I conclude that their work largely satisfies the set of justifiable criteria for a successful political theory articulated or implied by Kant and Horkheimer, and therefore, remains highly relevant to our thinking of the political.īox, R.C. This raises the question of whether a political theory ought to be sufficiently detailed as to be directly actionable. Hence, the emancipatory possibilities that they do sketch out remain overwhelmingly negative and spectral. In the face of such formidable obstacles, Marcuse and Žižek argue that the nature and means of emancipation necessarily remain indeterminate.
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But with the fall of the Eastern Bloc the threat to this system has become more spectral than ever, because any mild deviations from a neoliberal vision of free market capitalism now bring with them charges of totalitarianism. Slavoj Žižek adds a second function, namely, that during the Cold War the specter of communism also served to humanize Western liberal democracy, necessitating strong social welfare measures and thus forming capitalism with a human face. For Herbert Marcuse, the terrifying specter of communism at the end of the 1960s served the interests of counterrevolution in discrediting revolutionary aims and legitimizing all necessary repressive counter-measures against emancipatory programs.
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